Power Struggle Between Capitalism and Communism (1960-1991)

The Soviet Union is raising its voice on behalf of, and is offering help to, the people of Cuba who are fighting for their independence. The times are not now the same as they were when only one working class—the working people of former tsarist Russia—was raising the banner of struggle, when not only economic blockade but also armed intervention was organized against us. Times are quite different now. Over 1,000 million people live in states where the working class and the working people have triumphed and where the glorious banner of Marxism-Leninism is flying. The world socialist camp is now stronger than ever before. The peoples of the socialist countries will help their Cuban brothers to uphold their independence with the object of frustrating the economic blockade the United States of America has just declared against Cuba . . . For our part, we shall do everything to support Cuba and her courageous people in their struggle for the freedom and national independence which they have won under the leadership of their national leader Fidel Castro. . . . It should be borne in mind that the United States is now not at such an inaccessible distance from the Soviet Union as formerly. Figuratively speaking, if need be, Soviet artillerymen can support the Cuban people with their rocket fire, should the aggressive forces in the Pentagon dare to start intervention against Cuba.

First, it is clear that the forces of communism are not to be underestimated; in Cuba or anywhere else in the world, The advantages of a police state—its use of mass terror and arrests to prevent the spread of free dissent—cannot be overlooked by those who expect the fall of every fanatic tyrant. . . . Secondly, it is clear that this Nation, in concert with all the free nations of this hemisphere, must take an ever closer and more realistic look—at the menace of external Communist intervention and domination in Cuba. The American people are not complacent about Iron Curtain tanks and planes less than 90 miles from their shores. . . . We and our Latin friends will have to face the fact that we cannot postpone any longer the real issue of survival of freedom in this hemisphere itself. . . . it is clearer than ever that we face a relentless struggle in every corner of the globe that goes far beyond the clash of armies or even nuclear armaments. . . . The message of Cuba, of Laos, of the rising din of Communist voices in Asia and Latin America—these messages are all the same. The complacent, the self-indulgent, the soft societies are about to be swept away with the debris of history. Only the strong, only the industrious, only the determined, only the courageous, only the visionary who determine the real nature of our struggle can possibly survive.

On August 13, East German authorities put into effect several measures regulating movement at the boundary of the western sectors and the Soviet sector of the city of Berlin. These measures have the effect of limiting, to a degree approaching complete prohibition, passage from the Soviet sector to the western sectors of the city. These measures were accompanied by the closing of the sector boundary by a sizable deployment of police forces and by military detachments brought into Berlin for this purpose. All this is a flagrant, and particularly serious, violation of the quadripartite status of Berlin. . . . The United States Government has never accepted that limitations can be imposed on freedom of movement within Berlin. The boundary between the Soviet sector and the western sectors of Berlin is not a state frontier. The United States Government considers that the measures which the East German authorities have taken are illegal. . . . Moreover, the United States Government cannot admit the right of the East German authorities to authorize their armed forces to enter the Soviet sector of Berlin.

The United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, Convinced that the Treaty on the Limitation of Anti-Ballistic Missile Systems and this Interim Agreement on Certain Measures with Respect to the Limitation of Strategic Offensive Arms will contribute to the creation of more favorable conditions for active negotiations on limiting strategic arms as well as to the relaxation of international tension and the strengthening of trust between States, . . . Have agreed as follows: Article I The Parties undertake not to start construction of additional fixed land-based intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM) launchers after July 1, 1972. Article III The Parties undertake to limit submarine-launched ballistic missile (SLBM) launchers and modern ballistic missile submarines to the numbers operational and under construction on the date of signature of this Interim Agreement, . . . DONE at Moscow on May 26, 1972, in two copies, each in the English and Russian languages, both texts being equally authentic.

The breaching of the Berlin Wall showing citizens of East and West Berlin meeting, November 1989.

In Washington we saw for the first time with our own eyes what great interest exists in everything that is happening here, in our perestroika (reform program). And the goodwill, even enthusiasm to a degree, with which Washington received us, was an indicator of the changes that have started taking place in the West. These changes evidence the beginning of the crumbling “image of the enemy,” and the beginning of the destruction of the “Soviet military threat” myth. That was momentous to us. And it was noticed throughout the world. . . . People were not troubled by the fact that we might be behind in some respects, such as the economy. They were interested in the fact that our society has moved forward, that it is finding a new movement and is inspired to change democratically. Comrades, we are in the middle of a real revolution! We should not be afraid of a revolutionary frenzy. Otherwise we will not achieve anything. There will be losses and retreats, but we will only be victorious on the tracks of revolution. . . . We should not be afraid. And it suits us to appear to the whole world as people who are ready to go to the very limit in our revolutionary perestroika.

Article 36. 1. Citizens and their associations shall have the right to have land in their private ownership. 2. The possession, use and management of the land and other natural resources shall be freely exercised by their owners provided this does not cause damage to the environment or infringe upon the rights and interests of other persons. 3. The terms and procedures for the use of land shall be determined on the basis of federal laws. Article 37. 1. Work shall be free. Everyone shall have the right to make free use of his or her abilities for work and to choose a type of activity and occupation. 2. Forced labor shall be prohibited. 3. Everyone shall have the right to work under conditions meeting the requirements of safety and hygiene, to remuneration for work without any discrimination whatsoever and not below the statutory minimum wage, and also the right to security against unemployment.