COLD WAR - AFRICA

Question 1

Essay
Evaluate the extent to which African countries were able to conduct independent policies during the Cold War period.
A legend below the map provides assessments by the Committee of Un-American Activities regarding Soviet activities in various parts of the world. The assessment for Africa (arrow number three) reads: “Africa: [Soviet] encouragement of nationalist terrorists. Stirring up racial tensions. Psychological warfare against U.S. and West based on colonialism and color.”
Document 2

“When it is an African uprising against tyranny and oppression, the imperialists call it 'terrorism’; but when it is White people taking up arms under similar conditions they call it a just cause. [For example], the recent Hungarian uprising* was universally praised as a just opposition against suppression, and the Hungarians who participated in it were christened “freedom fighters.” But what the Russians did to the Hungarians that the “free” world made so much fuss about was the same thing that the British did in Kenya, and the French are doing in Algeria. . . .

It is high time that we be blunt and impartial in our condemnation of imperialism, regardless of which power is carrying it out. . . . We have no love for Russia and are not interested in the dirty business of Eastern-Western power bloc politics. But so many in the west are ready to accuse Russia of her brutalities, yet defend [Western] imperialism because, they claim, it is saving Africa from the “terrorism” of self-rule!”

*A reference to the Hungarian Revolution of 1956, in which mass protests toppled the country’s communist government, leading a Soviet-led military invasion and the forcible reimposition of communist rule.
Source: Editorial in Evening News, the official newspaper of the ruling Ghanaian Convention People’s Party, published on the eve of the first Conference of Independent African States, Accra, Ghana, 1958.
Document 3

“In your dispatch of August 18, you expressed the opinion that the Congo is experiencing a classic communist takeover* whether or not Lumumba himself is a Communist or just playing the Communist game to help him solidify his power. You state that there might be little time left in which to take action if we were to avoid another Cuba.

In high quarters here [in Washington], there is the clear-cut conclusion that as long as Lumumba continues to hold high office, the inevitable result will at best be chaos and at worst it would pave the way to Communist takeover of the Congo, with disastrous consequences for the U.S. and for the interests of the free world. Consequently, we conclude that [Lumumba’s] removal must be an urgent and prime objective that should be a high priority of our covert action in the Congo.”

*a reference to the May 1960 Congolese election which brought to power Patrice Lumumba, independent Congo’s first prime minister.
Source: United States Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) Director Allen Dulles, secret diplomatic telegram to the CIA agent in the Congolese capital Leopoldville, August 26, 1960.
Document 4

“It is surely not by chance that the hand of Moscow is ‘discovered,’ in an almost stereotyped way, behind each demand for national independence put forth by a colonial people. This is because any difficulty that is put in the way of the supremacy of the West is seen as a threat to its economic power and its military interests .. . . .

The position taken by a few newly independent countries, which are determined to remain outside the policy of the superpower blocs, has introduced a new dimension into the balance of forces in the world. Adopting the so-called policy of positive neutralism, of non-dependence, of non-commitment, the underdeveloped countries that are awakening from a long slumber of slavery and of oppression are trying to remain outside of any warlike involvement, in order to devote themselves to the urgent economic tasks, to staving off hunger, to the improvement of man’s lot.”
Source: Frantz Fanon, French West Indian political philosopher and activist, Toward the African Revolution, book published in 1964.
Document 5

“After the 1969 military coup in Somalia and the assumption of power of General Siad Barre’s Revolutionary Council, many positive elements in Somali domestic and foreign policies can be observed. Therefore, the Soviet Union is planning to comprehensively activate its relations with that country, including the following activities undertaken so far. . .

In the economic field: The Soviet Union offered Somalia a long-term loan of 40 million rubles. . . The sending of additional Soviet specialists to Somalia was also agreed. Currently there are 111 Soviet specialists, outside the military field, in Somalia, including five professionals working in various Somali government departments. Thirty-two Soviet teachers and 18 Soviet doctors are planned to travel to Somalia this year. There are 350 Somalis, except those at military academies, currently studying in the Soviet Union.

In the military field: The Soviet Union also provides military assistance to Somalia. The Somali army, numbering 14,000 troops, is almost exclusively equipped with Soviet weaponry and is trained by Soviet military specialists. Somali staff officers are trained in the Soviet Union.

We seek to further promote relations with Somalia, and we hope that the other socialist countries, including Poland, will also develop their economic and political ties with that country. It would be desirable, therefore, to coordinate USSR’s and the other socialist countries’ activities in that regard.”
Source: Viktor Bakin, Soviet diplomatic official in Poland, briefing to Polish officials on Soviet activities in Somalia, 1971.
Document 6

“Although many questions remain open as to the reason behind President Siad’s recent invitation to the Americans to inspect the Soviet-built military facilities in the [Somali] port of Berbera,* I believe it was aimed at demonstrating to the world that Soviet-friendly Somalia can retain control over all of its military installations. This affirms the Somali policy of independence and nonalignment. President Siad might also intend to lessen Somali diplomatic isolation in order to engage with the Arab League, the Organization of African Unity, and other nonaligned countries.

The Soviet Union took advantage of the locals, building military complexes according to Soviet needs. This is taking a toll on Somalia’s path toward true independence. The American inspections, although humiliating, are improving Somali-American relations. They hint at a possible future where the United States provides economic and humanitarian assistance in order to match Soviet influence. This would expand the Somali leadership’s room for maneuvering.”

*In the mid-1970s, the relationship between Siad Barre’s government and the Soviet Union began to deteriorate because of Soviet unwillingness to back Somali claims over parts of neighboring Ethiopia.
Source: Janez Hocevar, Yugoslav ambassador to Somalia, report to the Yugoslav government, sent from Mogadishu, Somalia, 1975.
Document 7

“We are not a creation of the Soviet Union or Cuba; we are a creation of Zimbabwe. Our army is a manifestation of the nationalist desires of our people, a product of the history of our country. . . . It is true that the Soviets gave us aid, as did the entire international socialist community. ZAPU* trained militants in Cuba and, after 1967, and so did we. But though we trained cadres in the socialist countries, this did not transform our army into a Russian or Chinese army. Our war is supported by the progressive world. And it is true that our objective is the liquidation of imperialism and colonialism. But it is the Zimbabwean people who are fighting the war. No one can deny us the right to seek aid from our friends and allies. But it will always be Zimbabweans who direct the struggle.”

*Another Zimbabwean militant group fighting against minority White rule in Rhodesia/Zimbabwe
Source: Robert Mugabe, leader of the Zimbabwe African National Union [ZANU], a political and military organization trying to end White minority rule in Rhodesia/Zimbabwe, interview in the Mozambique-based newspaper Tempo, 1978.

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