Otto von Bismarck's Conservatism 2016 DBQ

Question 1

Essay
Evaluate whether the policies of Otto von Bismarck’s government represented traditional conservatism or a new kind of conservatism in nineteenth-century Europe.
Document 1
Law Concerning the Equality of all Religions with Respect to Civil Rights and Citizenship of July 3,  1869: 
All restrictions on citizenship or civil rights based on differences in religious confession are abolished.  The right to hold public office shall be independent of religious confession.  
5
School Inspection Law of March 11, 1872: 
The supervision of all public and private school and  educational institutions is solely under the control of the state and not of any clergy.  
Law Concerning the Order of the Society of Jesus [The Jesuits] of July 4, 1872: 
The Order of the  Society of Jesus and similar order-like Congregations, are banned hereby from the territory of the German  Reich. The members of the Order of the Society of Jesus or similar order-like Congregations can be banished,  if they are foreigners; if they are natives, their residence in certain districts or places can be denied, or they  can be banished.  
10
Law Against the Publicly Dangerous Endeavors of Social Democracy from October 21, 1878:  
Societies which aim at the overthrow of the existing political or social order through social-democratic,  socialist, or communist endeavors are to be prohibited. Public festivities and processions shall be treated the  same as meetings. Publications in which social-democratic, socialist, or communist endeavors aimed at the  overthrow of the existing political or social order are manifested in a manner calculated to endanger the  harmony among all classes of the population are to be prohibited.  
Legislation passed by Bismarck’s government, 1869–1878
Document 2
Is it the duty of the Socialists to send delegates to the Reichstag [German parliament] at all? Our  Social-Democratic Party (SPD)* must not, under any circumstances, or in any field, engage in transactions  with its opponents. We can only transact business where there is a common basis. To do business with  those who are your opponents in principle is equivalent to a sacrifice of principle. . . . The slightest  concession in matters of principle is a relinquishing of the principle entirely. He who parliamentarizes,  compromises.  
Suppose a candidate comes up for election and the government is absolutely opposed to having him in the  Reichstag. The government will confiscate the newspapers that advocate his election—it will do so legally; it  will confiscate his election handbills—also legally; or it will give permits for meetings of electors and then  dissolve them—again legally; it will arrest the candidate’s campaign managers—quite legally; it will arrest  the candidate himself—also legally. They recently arrested a delegate to the Reichstag, and that delegate  would still be in prison right now if the National Liberals** had not been convinced by Bismarck of his  harmlessness. There is no possibility of our having an influence on legislation. Tell me, in heaven’s name,  what would be the use of a presentation of our principles in the Reichstag? Do you think you would convert  the members of the Reichstag? The idea is more than childish; it is infantile.  
*the largest socialist party in Germany  
**one of the main parties supporting Bismarck’s government at the time  
Wilhelm Liebknecht, German socialist, political speech, 1869
Document 3
It is extremely dangerous to take up the battle against the ultramontane [extremely Catholic] and socialist  parties simultaneously. It is important to keep those pursuing anti-national aims away from the social  movement but it would be a political mistake to subject socialist leaders to emergency laws on account of  their social advocacy, particularly without also doing something substantial to satisfy the just efforts of their  followers. It would be hopeless to fight a powerful idea merely with material means, and, with respect to the  extremely powerful Catholic-clerical idea, there is currently only one idea that can be used as a political  counterweight with any prospect of success—and that is the social idea. The “social Kaiser” has a stronger  position than even the “social Pope.” At the moment, the mass of the population is wavering, unsure of the  direction in which to turn. So far, the international agitation has not gained a broader basis; where the masses  turn, however, will be of crucial significance not just for politics but also for the character of the army. The  army will only be completely reliable if the workers, who make up its main contingent, are won over and  bound to the idea of the Reich through its very benefits and performance.  
Source: Hermann Wagener, high public official and conservative politician, memorandum written for Otto von Bismarck, “Why the Government Cannot Ignore the Social Question: A Conservative View,” 1872
Document 5
We, Wilhelm, German Emperor by the Grace of God, King of Prussia announce that in February of this year,  We let Our conviction be known that curing social defects will be pursued not only through the repression of  Social Democratic excesses but also through the promotion of workers’ welfare. We deem it Our Imperial  Duty to urge the Reichstag to take this task to heart once again. We would look back with all the more  satisfaction on the many successes with which God has blessed Our government [and] We could be content  having left the fatherland lasting guarantees of internal peace and having given the needy greater security and  the assistance to which they are entitled. We trust that we have the support of the Reichstag, despite party  differences.  
The draft bill submitted during the last session on insuring workers against industrial accidents will be  revised. Another bill will be added; the additional bill will give consistent organization to the commercial  health insurance system. [It should not be forgotten], however, that all those persons who have become unfit  for gainful employment through age or disability also have a legitimate claim to a greater degree of state  welfare than they have received thus far. Finding the proper ways and means to ensure this level of welfare is  difficult, but it is also one of the highest tasks of any community that rests upon the moral foundation of a  Christian national life.  
Kaiser Wilhelm I’s speech opening the Reichstag, Berlin, November 1881
Document 6
Government according to Frederick the Great is to serve the people; the opposite is to dominate the people.  We want to serve the people. It is not correct that we made the proposal to win more support for the  Anti-Socialist law. At the time of the proposal of the law, His Majesty the Emperor and the majority of the  Reichstag promised that as a corollary to this law there would also be a serious effort to better conditions for  the workers.  
The whole problem is rooted in the question: does the state have the responsibility to care for its helpless  fellow citizens, or does it not? I maintain that it does have this duty and not simply the Christian state but  indeed every state. There are objectives that only the state can fulfill including national defense and the  general system of transportation. But the state must help persons in distress and prevent the workers’  complaints that can be exploited by the Social Democrats.  
If one argues against my position that this is socialism, then I do not fear that at all. The question is what are  the limits of state socialism? Each law for poor relief is socialism. There are states that distance themselves  so far from socialism that poor laws do not exist at all. These states take the French view that every French  citizen has the right to starve and that the state has no responsibility to hinder him in the exercise of his right.  
Chancellor Otto von Bismarck, speech in support of the new accident insurance bill, Berlin, March 5, 1884
Document 7
The dismissal of Reich Chancellor Prince Bismarck is an accomplished fact. Thank God he’s gone! A  continuation of the domestic policy pursued up to now would actually have brought Germany to ruin, had it  been followed by another such period. The fact that in the last elections one-fifth of the German people  declared their support for the Social Democratic Party is mainly the fault of the Bismarckian system of  government; it boosted socialism artificially by offering the carrot one moment and applying the stick the  next.  
Existing religious differences were exacerbated through the battle over church policy, carried out by way of  the police and criminal regulations. The incitement of the parties against each other, the suspicions cast upon  people’s patriotism, and the denial of patriotism to any political dissident resulted from a press corrupted by  bribery and fear. Before the eyes of the world, what he did to unify the Fatherland was shown to the fullest  advantage; but later generations, those destined to suffer the consequences of his flawed domestic policies,  will become fully aware of how these measures have sinned against national life. We must once again draw  inspiration from the idea that the people themselves are called upon to participate in their own destiny. In the  long term, people get only the kind of government they deserve.  
Eugen Richter, liberal journalist and politician, newspaper article, 1890
Document 4
The Liberal says to the other two: 'Don’t worry; when the wind shifts, I’ll be on top again.'
“At the helm,” political cartoon portraying Bismarck, published in a satirical German magazine, 1879
We, Wilhelm, German Emperor by the Grace of God, King of Prussia announce that in February of this year, We let Our conviction be known that curing social defects will be pursued not only through the repression of Social Democratic excesses but also through the promotion of workers’ welfare.

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