Analysis of U.S. Neutrality in WWI: 1914-1917

Question 1

Essay
Analyze the arguments over the neutrality of the United States during World War I and how perspectives changed between 1914 and 1917.
The effect of the war upon the United States will depend upon what American citizens say and do. Every man who really loves America will act and speak in the true spirit of neutrality, which is the spirit of impartiality and fairness and friendliness to all concerned. The spirit of the nation in this critical matter will be determined largely by what individuals and society and those gathered in public meetings do and say, upon what newspapers and magazines contain, upon what ministers utter in their pulpits, and men proclaim as their opinions upon the street.
The people of the United States are drawn from many nations, and chiefly from the nations now at war. It is natural and inevitable that there should be the utmost variety of sympathy and desire among them with regard to the issues and circumstances of the conflict. Some will wish one nation, others another, to succeed in the momentous struggle. It will be easy to excite passion and difficult to allay it.
Woodrow Wilson, Message to Congress, August 4, 1914.
Money is the worst of all contrabands because it commands everything else. The question of making loans contraband by international agreement has been discussed, but no action has been taken. I know of nothing that would do more to prevent war than an international agreement that neutral nations would not loan to belligerents. While such an agreement would be of great advantage, could we not by our example hasten the reaching of such an agreement? We are the one great nation which is not involved, and our refusal to loan to any belligerent would naturally tend to hasten a conclusion of the war. We are responsible for the use of our influence through example, and as we cannot tell what we can do until we try, the only way of testing our influence is to set the example and observe its effect. This is the fundamental reason in support of the suggestion submitted.
Secretary of State William Jennings Bryan to President Woodrow Wilson, August 10, 1914.
Wilson and Bryan have quarreled over what seems to me an entirely insignificant point, that is, as to the percentage of water they shall put into a policy of mere milk and water. Both of them are agreed that this is what the policy shall consist of. I am pretty well disgusted with our government and with the way our people acquiesce in and support it. I suppose, however, in a democracy like ours the people will always do well or ill largely in proportion to their leadership. If Lincoln had acted after the firing of Sumter in the way that Wilson did about the sinking of the Lusitania, in one month the North would have been saying they were so glad he kept them out of the war and that they were too proud to fight and that at all hazards fratricidal war must be averted.
Letter from Theodore Roosevelt to Oscar King Davis, senior correspondent for the New York Times, June 23, 1915.
Doubtless Secretary McAdoo has discussed with you the necessity of floating government loans for the belligerent nations, which are purchasing such great quantities of goods in this country, in order to avoid a serious financial situation which will not only affect them but this country as well. Briefly, the situation, as I understand it, is this: Since December 1st, 1914, to June 30, 1915, our exports have exceeded our imports by nearly a billion dollars, and it is estimated that the excess will be from July 1st to December 1, 1915, a billion and three quarters. Thus for the year 1915 the excess will be approximately two and [a] half billions of dollars. It is estimated that the European banks have about three and [a] half billions of dollars in gold in their vaults. To withdraw any considerable amount would disastrously affect the credit of the European nations, and the consequence would be a general state of bankruptcy.
Robert Lansing, Secretary of State 1915-1920, letter to President Woodrow Wilson. September 6, 1915.
With the European war for conquest and exploitation raging and destroying the lives, class consciousness, and unity of the workers, and the ever growing agitation for military preparedness clouding the main issues, and delaying the realization of our ultimate aim with patriotic, and therefore, capitalistic aspirations, we openly declare ourselves determined opponents of all nationalistic sectionalism or patriotism, and the militarism preached and supported by our one enemy, the Capitalist Class. We condemn all wars, and, for the prevention of such, we proclaim the anti-militarist propaganda in time of peace, thus promoting class solidarity among the workers of the entire world, and, in time of war, the general strike in all industries.
“Warning: The Deadly Parallel,” pamphlet from the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), 1916.
The Sandwich Man, 1917.
Germany's attempt to align Mexico and Japan in a hostile conspiracy against the United States has been frustrated. At the state department today it was intimated that so far as it known the letter of Germany's foreign secretary, Zimmerman, the authenticity of which was vouched for by President Wilson personally to the senate today, never reached Pres. Carranza. Being thus intercepted, it was never passed on to Japan. Attention is called to the fact that in his instructions Zimmerman stipulated that Eckhardt should only broach the matter to Pres. Carranza 'as soon as it is certain that there will be an outbreak of war with the United States.' It is pointed out that this certainty had not developed at the time Ambassador Bernstorff left this country.
The Daily Book, Chicago newspaper, March 1, 1917.

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