AP Success - AP English Language: The Lincoln vs. Douglas Debates

This is from the Lincoln-Douglas Debates of 1858.
Now, I hold that Illinois had a right to abolish and
prohibit slavery as she did, and I hold that Kentucky has
the same right to continue and protect slavery that Illinois
had to abolish it. I hold that New York had as much right to
5
abolish slavery as Virginia has to continue it, and that each
and every State of this Union is a sovereign power, with the
right to do as it pleases upon this question of slavery, and
upon all its domestic institutions. Slavery is not the only
question which comes up in this controversy. There is a far
10
more important one to you, and that is, what shall be done
with the free negro? We have settled the slavery question
as far as we are concerned; we have prohibited it in Illinois
forever, and in doing so, I think we have done wisely, and
there is no man in the State who would be more strenuous in
15
his opposition to the introduction of slavery than I would; but
when we settled it for ourselves, we exhausted all our power
over that subject. We have done our whole duty, and can do
no more. We must leave each and every other State to decide
for itself the same question. In relation to the policy to be
20
pursued toward the free negroes, we have said that they shall
not vote; whilst Maine, on the other hand, has said that they
shall vote. Maine is a sovereign State, and has the power to
regulate the qualifications of voters within her limits. I would
never consent to confer the right of voting and of citizenship
25
upon a negro, but still I am not going to quarrel with Maine
for differing from me in opinion. Let Maine take care of her
own negroes, and fix the qualifications of her own voters to
suit herself, without interfering with Illinois, and Illinois will
not interfere with Maine. So with the State of New York. She
30
allows the negro to vote provided he owns two hundred and
fifty dollars’ worth of property, but not otherwise. While I
would not make any distinction whatever between a negro
who held property and one who did not, yet if the sovereign
State of New York chooses to make that distinction it is her
35
business and not mine, and I will not quarrel with her for
it. She can do as she pleases on this question if she minds
her own business, and we will do the same thing. Now, my
friends, if we will only act conscientiously and rigidly upon
this great principle of popular sovereignty, which guarantees
40
to each State and Territory the right to do as it pleases on all
things, local and domestic, instead of Congress interfering,
we will continue at peace one with another. Why should
Illinois be at war with Missouri, or Kentucky with Ohio, or
Virginia, with New York, merely because their institutions
45
differ? Our fathers intended that our institutions should differ.
They knew that the North and the South, having different
climates, productions, and interests, required different
institutions. This doctrine of Mr. Lincoln, of uniformity
among the institutions of the different States, is a new
50
doctrine, never dreamed of by Washington, Madison, or the
framers of this government. Mr. Lincoln and the Republican
party set themselves up as wiser than these men who made
this government, which has flourished for seventy years
under the principle of popular sovereignty, recognizing the
55
right of each State to do as it pleased. Under that principle,
we have grown from a nation of three or four millions to a
nation of about thirty millions of people; we have crossed
the Allegheny mountains and filled up the whole Northwest,
turning the prairie into a garden, and building up churches
60
and schools, thus spreading civilization and Christianity
where before there was nothing but savage barbarism. Under
that principle we have become, from a feeble nation, the
most powerful on the face of the earth, and if we only adhere
to that principle, we can go forward increasing in territory,
65
in power, in strength, and in glory until the Republic of
America shall be the north star that shall guide the friend of
freedom throughout the civilized world. And why can we
not adhere to the great principle of self-government upon
which our institutions were originally based? I believe that
70
this new doctrine preached by Mr. Lincoln and his party will
dissolve the Union if it succeeds. They are trying to array all
the Northern States in one body against the South, to excite a
sectional war between the free States and the slave States, in
order that the one or the other may be driven to the wall.
Source 1

1

The author's argument in lines 1-6 primarily relies on the idea that:
  • States like Illinois and Kentucky should not interact with each other.

  • The federal government should decide on the legality of slavery.

  • States should have uniform laws regarding slavery.

  • Slavery is a moral issue that transcends state rights.

  • The sovereignty of states should be respected in matters of domestic policy.

2

In lines 10-11, the phrase "what shall be done with the free negro?" is most likely mentioned to:
  • Underline a secondary issue that arises from the slavery debate.

  • Show the author's personal bias against African Americans.

  • Highlight the primary concern regarding the abolition of slavery.

  • Introduce a new topic unrelated to the slavery debate.

  • Suggest a national policy for dealing with freed slaves.

3

The author's use of "whilst" in line 21 primarily serves to:
  • Emphasize the unity between different state policies.

  • Show a preference for Maine's laws over Illinois'.

  • Introduce a contrast between two states' policies.

  • Illustrate the author's formal style of writing.

  • Highlight the similarity between Maine and Illinois.

4

Lines 15-18 suggest that the author believes the decision to abolish or continue slavery should be:
  • Based on moral principles rather than state rights.

  • A unified decision among all states.

  • Left to individual states to determine.

  • Dictated by economic considerations.

  • Decided by the federal government.

5

The reference to New York and the $250 property requirement (lines 29-31) is used by the author to demonstrate:
  • A fair and equitable law for all residents.

  • The diversity of states' approaches to civil rights.

  • A successful policy for managing voting rights.

  • An example of discrimination based on wealth.

  • The arbitrary nature of voting qualifications.

6

In lines 37-39, the principle of "popular sovereignty" is presented as:
  • An outdated notion that no longer applies to modern America.

  • A principle that applies only to certain states.

  • A fundamental principle that should guide all state decisions.

  • A contentious issue that divides the nation.

  • A flawed concept that has led to national discord.

7

The mention of "Illinois be[ing] at war with Missouri, or Kentucky with Ohio" (lines 42-43) serves to:
  • Warn of the potential for future conflicts.

  • Illustrate the absurdity of conflicts based on state policies.

  • Provide historical examples of interstate conflicts.

  • Suggest that state conflicts are inevitable.

  • Exaggerate the potential consequences of state disagreements.

8

The author implies that the variety of state institutions (lines 45-48) is:
  • Irrelevant to the national wellbeing.

  • A problem that needs to be addressed by uniform laws.

  • A temporary situation that will soon be resolved.

  • A source of strength and diversity for the nation.

  • The result of poor leadership at the state level.

9

In lines 49-53, the doctrine of "uniformity among the institutions" is:
  • Supported by historical figures like Washington and Madison.

  • Advocated as a solution to national problems.

  • Presented as an alternative to popular sovereignty.

  • Criticized as a new and misguided approach.

  • Identified as the main cause of the nation's success.

10

The overall tone of the passage can best be described as:
  • Pessimistic and warning.

  • Critical and argumentative.

  • Neutral and informative.

  • Reflective and nostalgic.

  • Optimistic and hopeful.

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